Whither Progressive Zionism?
Zionism has long been an important current in the Jewish American left, a tradition that has made critical contributions civil rights and labor movements, not to mention many other important struggles. Many fine activists and organizers developed their ideals through their participation in left-Zionist camps and youth organizations and some prominent non-Jewish activists, such as Bayard Rustin, were also deeply inspired and influenced by the ideals of labor-Zionism.
This history of Jewish leadership and participation in progressive movements largely explains why the Israel-Palestine conflict can be such an uncomfortable subject for American leftists and liberals. The Middle East has often been a painful wedge between progressives with strong Zionist convictions and the greater left. Differences over this issue have spoiled promising political alliances and have even strained personal relationships between friends.
This rift is partially addressed by the work of people in liberal-to-left Zionist organizations like Meretz USA, the Union of Progressive Zionists, Americans for Peace Now and the new “pro-peace, pro-Israel” lobbying group, J-Street. I believe that the practical goal of these organizations, i.e., a stable two-state solution based roughly on the 1967 borders is the correct one. Jerusalem as a shared bi-national capital and reparations for displaced Arabs are two points where the left can and should “push the envelope.” The bi-national or “one state” solution is, in my opinion, a fantasy that does not realistically assess the current psychology of Israel’s Jewish majority.
However, while I recognize the role the aforementioned groups play in broadening the debate on the Middle East, I ultimately consider their political principles to be unacceptable. Whatever the beautiful ideals of the early Jewish nationalist project, a movement forged in the experience of persecution and genocide, that history cannot make up for the chauvinism and militarism that are the defining features of Zionism as experienced by the occupied Palestinians. Nor, for the most part, do any of these organizations recognize the right of an occupied people to actively resist the impositions of their violent occupiers.
It is important to understand and respect the fact that nationalist politics usually emerge from a real history of grief and oppression. Anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles, for example, have often rallied to a flag of one kind or another. Unfortunately, the emancipatory potential of a nationalist movement is usually exhausted by the conquest of power — when the rebel’s victorious nationalism becomes the national chauvinism of the new regime. This explains why hawkish defenders of Israel’s policies must always portray Israel as a weak, small David facing an enormous, Arab Goliath. Nevermind the obvious asymmetries in military hardware, body counts, etc. The fragility of Israel must always be emphasized, otherwise the whole moral edifice of Israeli militarism would fall apart.
I believe that the Jewish state, as it is presently configured, does face a serious threat, but this threat is demographic rather than military. The ultimate challenge to Jewish nationalism will be the changing composition of Israeli society. As historian Benny Morris noted in a recent New York Times op-ed:
If present trends persist, Arabs could constitute the majority of Israel’s citizens by 2040 or 2050. Already, within five to 10 years, Palestinians (Israeli Arabs coupled with those who live in the West Bank and Gaza Strip) will form the majority population of Palestine (the land lying between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean).Morris, incidentally, believes that a population “transfer” might be a necessary and appropriate move in order to maintain a Jewish majority within Israel proper. Of course, by any 21st-century standard of decency, a program of ethnic cleansing would turn Israel into an abomination. Neither the Israeli public nor the international community would tolerate it.
Whither then, left-Zionism? I believe that unless Zionism can be radically re-imagined, it is facing a dead end. Unless progressive Zionists can redefine their understanding of nationhood, their ultimate destiny can only be to give Zionism a more dignified, peaceful exit from history, under terms that will guarantee the safety and liberty of Jewish people for ever.
